PM Narendra Modi at G7: Given the recent shifts in global power, the G7 is a club of Western nations (with Japan granted that status as an ally of the West and a major economy) that have dominated the world and its institutions, sometimes for centuries. They still aspire to maintain that position by coordinating their policies and co-opting rising powers like India.
The G7 realized they needed a larger international cooperation, but one that would fall under their purview, in order to handle the 2008 financial crisis. In light of this, the G20 forum—which had previously been at the finance minister level—was elevated to the summit level.
However, the aims and interests of the developing nations—now known as the Global South—are becoming more and more prominent on the G20 agenda. The pro-Global South content of the G20 agenda has become more consistent during India’s G20 presidency. This is due to India hosting the Voice of the Global South summits both before and after the G20, as well as to India’s initiative in inviting the African Union to become a permanent member of the G20.
The sharpening of global geopolitical divisions will make it harder for the G20 to function, an already precarious situation due to the breakup of G7 relations with Russia and China’s concerns.
It will be difficult to find common ground at the G20 between China and Russia and the G7 on the one hand.
Due to their significant financial interests in both “camps” and their considerations of geopolitical strategy, the other G20 members are hesitant to choose a side. It is fortunate that this is the case, as the G20 would otherwise split into two factions and experience dysfunction akin to that of the UN Security Council.
The G20’s Global South members, who are not associated with either of the two opposing parties, are the ones who may contribute to maintaining the organization’s geopolitical purpose and logic.
Nonetheless, the G20 and the G7 both confront obstacles from other forums when trying to reach an agreement on international matters.
In an effort to challenge the West’s hegemony, which is still evident in the form of sanctions, the weaponization of finance, regime change programs, and applying different standards to issues of democracy and human rights, among other things, the BRICS alliance is growing.
In terms of advocating for multipolarity, a larger role for developing nations in global governance, more equity in international relations, and the introduction of urgently needed reforms in the international system, an expanded BRICS will compete with both the G7 and the G20.
Against this broad backdrop, Prime Minister Modi attended the most recent G7 summit. Even though the ceremony was happening just after India’s national elections—which, in contrast to expectations, saw the BJP fail to secure a majority—it was crucial that he take this action.
Modi needed to reaffirm internationally that he had won a resounding democratic mandate to govern and that everything will continue as usual in order to dispel the perception that he had been politically undermined.
He had to project assurance and confidence while highlighting a few of his government’s top policy objectives.
It goes without saying that the chance to speak with the leaders of the main Western nations and Japan could not be passed up, particularly given that India has significant stakes in the G7 nations in areas like as politics, economy, defense, technology, diaspora, and so forth.
While Modi’s diminished election mandate undoubtedly affects domestic politics, it is not particularly significant when it comes to his attendance at foreign gatherings such as the G7. The domestic political base and public image of nearly every G7 leader has suffered significantly.
These include Biden (who may not win this year’s election and seems to have cognitive issues), Macron (who is polling poorly and is fiercely contested politically at home), Kishida (racked by scandals in his party), Sunak (who is widely expected to lose power after the July elections), Trudeau (who is in the minority and depends on the NDP for political survival), and Scholz (who leads a coalition government and is perceived as weak).
Heading a coalition government is Meloni as well. Modi seems in a much better position than them, having secured a rare third term in a democratic government and being in office for an additional five years.
Contrary to certain disparaging remarks, Modi’s invitation to G7 summits does not reduce India’s or the group’s outreach effort.
As part of its outreach diplomacy, India has also invited non-members during its presidency of the G20 or BRICS.
India’s ascent to dominance depends on its positive and expanding relations with the majority of the G7 nations. However, India must understand the boundaries of the G7-India relationship and the necessity of striking a balance with our other relationships.
All seven G7 nations are military partners or members of NATO. The summit document’s lines on Russia and the Ukraine conflict witness to the G7’s transformation into a platform for Cold War-style geopolitics promotion.
Together, they lack credibility as a tool for significant multipolarity or international system reform (while we work with Germany and Japan to increase the number of permanent members in the UN Security Council, and nations like France advocate for a multipolar world). Certain G7 nations provide sanctuary to anti-Indian factions, criticize us on matters of democracy and human rights, and their academic community, press, think tanks, and civil society are generally against us.
First and foremost, Modi utilized the G7 platform to subtly respond to the widespread criticism among G7 nations on the erosion of democracy in India under his direction. With reference to “more than 2,600 political parties, more than one million polling booths, more than five million Electronic Voting Machines, 15 million polling staff, and about 970 million voters, out of which 640 million people exercised their right to vote,” he emphasized to his interlocutors the vast scope of the democratic exercise that has brought him back to power.
By emphasizing how the widespread use of technology made the entire electoral process fair and transparent and how the results of such a big election were announced in a few of hours, Modi subtly dispelled local concerns about EVM tampering. “The greatest festival of democracy in the world and the greatest in human history,” as he put it. He continued to refer to it as “a living example of our ancient values as the mother of democracy” despite his reservations.
Dispelling any notion that the election results represented a loss for him, Modi declared that he was “grateful that the Indian people have granted me the chance to serve them for the third time in a row,” that “this is the first time this has happened in India in the last six decades,” and that “this historic victory is a victory of democracy.” It is the triumph of democracy everywhere. Instead of projecting a feeling of political weakness, he exuded a sense of triumph.
Modi decided to concentrate on the revolutionary effects of technology on human society during the outreach G7 conference. He urged everyone to work together to make sure that the advantages of technology extended to every aspect of society and that the industry’s technological monopoly was transformed into widespread use. He stated that India was pursuing a better future by emphasizing its human-centered approach. It was one of the first handful of nations to develop an AI national strategy. India was fostering international cooperation as the primary chair and founding member of the Global Partnership for AI.
Another important topic for discussion at the G7 conference is energy. Modi pointed out that India was the first nation to fulfill all of its COP commitments ahead of schedule. He noted that in order to bring about a Green Era, India has launched Mission LiFE, or Lifestyle for Environment, of which the “Ek Ped Maa Ke Naam” (One Tree in Mother’s Name) campaign was a component.
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In closing, he restated India’s commitment to developing the nation to the point where no segment of the population is left behind by 2047. Thinking back at India’s G20 presidency, he noted that the Global South’s nations were disproportionately affected by world unrest and tensions, and that India had felt it was its duty to bring the region’s issues and priorities to the attention of the international community. These efforts were making Africa a top priority (African issues have been mentioned in detail in the G7 summit text). Modi stated that he intended to keep up communication and collaboration with the G7 on every topic he covered in his speech.
Overall, Modi’s attendance at the G7 summit conveyed the impression that he remained firmly in charge and that his goals and ambitions for India were unaffected by the election results.
